Pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton

The New York Times. Lindy West I got up on Election Day and burst into tears — not a genteel pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton trickle but a great heaving burst, zero to firehose. Tears spattered the inside of my glasses, dripped from my lips, and left mascara-tinged rosettes blooming black in my cereal milk. The numbers are still good. That would come later. Clinton just after she voted for herself in Chappaqua, N. She seemed breathless, exhilarated, a little check this out. Over her shoulder, Bill Clinton stared at his wife and beamed.

My husband stares at me like that sometimes. Men get to act and excel and climb and aspire and thrive and win and rule and be the audacious, hungry fulcrum of public life.

It is normal for men to have ambition. It is normal for women to stand aside. I thought about Bill Clinton meeting Hillary Rodham at Yale inand how tenacious and intense she must have been even back then, how undeniable and potent.

Clinton describes the moment in his memoir. Clinton rising steadily through his political career, on the track we have built for charismatic, competent white men. He must have known, every second, how good his wife was. And he watched her stand next to him and wait, and wait, and wait, underestimated and degraded and excoriated for wanting more out of life than cookies.

He must be so proud of her, I thought. It made me cry. I cried because I want my daughters to feel that blazing pride, that affirmation of their boundless capacity — not from their husbands, but pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton their world, from the atmosphere, from inviolable wells of certainty inside themselves.

I cried because it does things to you to always come second. Whatever your personal opinion of the Clintons, as politicians or as human beings, that dynamic is real. We, as a culture, do not take women seriously on a profound level. We do not believe women. We do not trust women. We do not like women. I understand that many men cannot see it, and plenty more do not care.

I am used to it. But maybe this election was the beginning of something new, I thought. It is indistinguishable from fresh, close grief. Those of us who have been left in the cold by this apparent affirmation of a white supremacist patriarchy and sorry, white women who voted for Mr. Trump, but your shelter is illusory are tough. We have been weathering this hurricane wall of doubt and violence for so long, and now, more crystalline than ever, we have an enemy and a mandate.

We have the smirking apotheosis of our oppression sliming, paw-first, toward our genitals. We have the popular vote. We have proof, in exit polls, that white women will pawn their humanity for the safety of white supremacy.

We have abortion pills to stockpile and neighbors to protect and children to teach. We have the right woman to find. We have local elections in a year. Trump was elected with a higher percentage of the white evangelical vote than any other Republican presidential candidate has ever received, and he has received strong support from prominent Christian Right leaders.

Trump delivers on his promises, he will not give the religious right what its leaders have traditionally demanded or what the Republican Party platform calls for. National legislation has long been the goal of the religious right. When the movement emerged in the late s, evangelical leaders such as Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson sought federal constitutional amendments to ban abortion and restore school prayer, because they wanted to reverse what liberal rights activists had done at the national level through the Supreme Court.

In the early 21st century, leaders such as James Dobson continued this trend by persuading President George W. Bush to endorse a constitutional amendment proposal to define marriage pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton exclusively heterosexual. In recent years, evangelicals http://dvdbestonline.co/popular-dissertation-abstract-ghostwriters-service.php become so concerned about protecting their own religious liberty against federal mandates or court decisions that they have given less attention to imposing a moral agenda on the rest of the nation.

Although the Republican Party platform continues to promise a constitutional amendment protecting human life from the moment of conception, the pro-life movement has not made any serious attempts to pass that amendment since the s.

Nor has there been much talk in the last decade of a national ban on same-sex marriage. Trump is well positioned to promote a further shift away from national moral regulation. Trump stumbled over abortion during his campaign, the policy that he pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton reverted to was to leave abortion legalization up to the states — an outcome that he would try to ensure by nominating conservative Supreme Court justices who might overturn Roe v.

Trump has gone further than any previous Republican presidential nominee in a generation in insisting that the religious right should enact its agenda at the state, rather than federal, level. Although this was the policy position of many Republicans during the s including President Gerald Fordreligious right activists persuaded the G.

Trump is leading the party back to its more traditional stance. While many liberals will find this outcome unsatisfactory — since it offers them no opportunity to secure national protection for individual rights that they consider inalienable — it may be the only compromise solution that can give both conservatives and liberals the freedom to pursue their own agenda at the local level without fear of a national backlash.

If a socially libertarian New Yorker can deliver this compromise to the conservative white rural evangelical voters who put him in office, both conservatives and liberals should see pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton for what it is: a landmark opportunity to move beyond the culture wars. Trump is elected president of the United States.

Now, their apprehension about the president-elect dwarfs their disappointment with President Obama. Poor you, you feel so insecure, vulnerable and fragile. Like the rest of us. The kind usually associated with strutting generalissimos of Third World nations with their chests covered with made-up, self-awarded medals.

Maybe the people of the Middle East will look and realize that you are no longer english write to pay content Great Democracy to emulate. Now, it seems as if the change has flowed the other way. To narrow the see more of people entitled to justice and equality before the law. And he wants the United States to abandon the costly nation-building in the Middle East.

In Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Yemen, Libya and Somalia, civil wars continue unabated. The Arab and Muslim worlds only hope the United States stops contributing to the destruction. Trump does not exactly pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton concerned for the wishes of Middle Essay masters custom for services ghostwriting university and their right to live in peace.

It sounds more like what he really wants to do is pal around with other strutting, top resume ghostwriting services types. Trump has embraced Mr. Instead of Americanizing the Middle East, Mr. Finally, some good news. President Obama has assured us that the sun will rise tomorrow, regardless.

And if the Trump presidency is as bad as I expect it to be — though not so bad that it demolishes democracy entirely — he can be voted out in four years. Carol Giacomo A commitment to human rights has been a fundamental precept of NATO since the alliance was created a half century ago. You would not expect that a founding member would have to be reminded cheap cv ghostwriters for hire for university that fact.

Certainly not the United States, for all those years the leader of NATO and an inspirational embodiment of its core values. Yet this is where we find ghostwriting gb vitae curriculum cheap websites now, the day after Donald Trump won the presidency: In congratulating him on his victory, Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany felt compelled to set conditions for cooperation.

He has threatened to ban Muslims from the United Click the following article, refuse refugees, deport 11 million undocumented workers and build a wall on the border with Just click for source. He has disparaged African Americans, Mexican Americans, women and people with disabilities.

He received no pushback on Wednesday from Theresa May, the British prime minister, who simply congratulated Mr. Trump on his win. Merkel not just to lead Europe but to replace America in leading NATO as well. From coast to coast, half of a divided nation abhorred — and underestimated — the president-elect. The economic dislocation of galloping inflation and the energy crisis produced a nasty campaign.

Despite the Democratic panic, Ronald Reagan left America richer and safer after two terms as president. Reagan defied expectations by turning toward the center. He acted as president of the United States, not president of the Republican Party. Reagan used the transition period to heal wounds while claiming a broad policy mandate, despite winning only But in adjusting, in tempering, Reagan was being Reagan.

History is not destiny. And Reagan had both a lighter touch than Mr. Still, history is full of shifts and surprises. Trump must be a popular blog post ghostwriting for hire liverpool and unite America, as he tried doing in his victory speech. If he fails, the checks and balances that sometimes help crusading ideologues become effective leaders can ultimately impose a necessary gridlock.

Can the reality-show star turned president-elect mimic the actor turned president? Gil Troy is a professor of history at McGill University and the author of "Morning in America: How Ronald Reagan Invented the s. Jones Inthere was a demand among voters for change, especially regarding Vietnam and foreign policy, and there was a backlash against some of the Great Society programs.

Then, as now, the Democratic candidate was tied to the departing administration and hamstrung to differentiate a new set of policies. As a result, the Democratic presidential nominee, Hubert H. Humphrey, narrowly lost to the Republican, Richard M. Nixon, a candidate who was despised by a large percentage of the electorate. One positive outcome of that election was the first organized transition from the departing to incoming governments.

Right after the results came in, the president put me in charge of organizing a transition process, something that had never been done.

Haldeman and John Mitchell. There we mapped out a program in which all of the Johnson cabinet and major White House staff members would brief their incoming counterparts as often as was desired by the new administration.

My charge was to work with Haldeman, who became my successor at the White House, to make sure these briefings occurred across the new administration and in a timely fashion. One surprise was that Nixon told me that Mitchell could speak for him in all matters if he was not available. Johnson would have never delegated such authority, but that was the difference in the management style of here two men.

He was issuing orders and making appointments right up to the morning of the Inauguration. In fact, the pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton before the Inauguration the president told me to find out how many vacancies existed on commissions and boards and find good people that he could nominate. He kept Nixon waiting in the Blue Room on Inauguration morning while he signed those nominations which required Senate confirmation and had them delivered to the Congress before noon.

It is a positive sign that President Obama invited Donald J. Trump to meet at the White House two days after this most contentious election.

Today transitions are much more institutional now than our first one in But this click here can heal many wounds and start bringing our country closer together.

Back inJohnson and Nixon left the White House together, along with Senator Everett Dirksen and me. We jumped into the car and headed to the Capitol. I hope the ride to the Capitol next January will be more substantive on policy. Pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton may conceal white resentment of the perceived advancement past them of black and Latino people. But the past eight years sped all that up and made it impossible to ignore. Trump stood out to voters from the rest of the Republican Party, aside from a willingness to say directly the kinds of things usually carefully dogwhistled, it was in his rants about trade and his lack of interest in dismantling the remnants pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton the welfare state.

For white Americans anxiously looking at their disappearing stability, Mr. Trump was a bomb they were willing to throw at a system they felt was failing them.

He emotionally echoed their outrage and gave them a place to direct their anger, the age-old right-wing populist trick of refracting it both upward at elites and downward at minorities.

The results show that it did not. To be sure, Democrats had an uneasy line to walk, between maintaining continuity with a still-popular, twice-elected Barack Obama — a continuity that won Mrs.

Clinton the Democratic primary — and reaching the people who wanted and needed change. Clinton was a colossal misreading of a moment when rage at the establishment of both parties was simmering everywhere. That rage should have been visible as Mr. Clinton much harder than anyone had expected a gray-haired socialist from Vermont to do. Review services popular editing us movie opened her arms to disaffected Republicans rather than wooing the disaffected within and around her own party.

Most of the television ads she ran were more about painting Trump as a dangerous aberration, an outsider unfit for office, than pitching any plan of her own for change. Democrats failed to realize that for many Trump voters, that was exactly what they liked about him.

Will Wilkinson It may not be an exaggeration to say that Donald Trump both knows and cares less about the details of public policy than anyone ever elected president of the United States. Politics is, at bottom, about factions vying and coordinating to choose leaders in whom to invest authority. Throughout the campaign, Mr. In Hillary Clinton, Mr. Trump drew a general election opponent pre-weakened by a decades-long Republican campaign of pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton. Clinton as a member of an arrogant and corrupt elite that believes it is above the law.

Trump seems to have an intuitive understanding that glamour, celebrity and gaudy wealth are key ingredients in majesty — which is inherently authoritative and underwrites its own claim to legitimacy.

It was a purple silk, ermine-fringed cape, Air Force One in waiting, and he knew how to use it. Casting those norms aside and banking heavily on the atavistic political appeal of majestic celebrity gave Mr.

Trump will actually support in office. Will Wilkinson is the vice president pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton policy at the Niskanen Center and a columnist at Vox.

All of these shows have one thing in common: While trafficking in rural stereotypes, they celebrate wealth and business success — whether pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton business is crafting hick-hop music, pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton alligators or designing duck calls.

Ostensibly produced for middle America, they offer a population disenfranchised by globalization and the information economy a vision of rural ingenuity rewarded. Trump based his candidacy around this population.

He spoke directly to voters raised on reality TV, addressing their fears and aspirations with blunt talk. He became their perfect celebrity champion, a rich pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton man, his image polished by years in a reality-TV boardroom, who validated their demographic anxiety.

In an election season driven more by hatred of political opponents than enthusiasm for two deeply unpopular candidates, President-Elect Donald J. Trump hated best, and won. That, too, was designed as a lighthearted comedy. Seth Grossman is a filmmaker and reality television producer. Roberto Suro They favored Hillary Clinton by better than two to one, according to the exit polls.

They did not turn out in big numbers to protest Donald J. Trump, but it probably would not have mattered. Trump won the presidency after a long campaign of slinging threats and insults at them. The bitterest loss was dealt by the That was visit web page rejection by their own countrymen.

According to the exit polls — a rough measure of turnout at best — Latinos accounted for 11 percent of the votes cast Tuesday the same as If those numbers hold, there was little or no Trump effect, and however much the number of Latino votes increased was just a result of demography.

You may have been convinced that it pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton be otherwise.

Years of reckless commentary, news stories and advocacy insisted that Latinos would pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton the great demographic firewall that would safeguard progressive politics with surging population numbers. But, the firewall only stands in a few states, and the biggest of them, California, New York and Texas, are already decided.

Trump concentrated instead on the old industrial states where Latinos are a sparse presence. When he demonized Mexico and unauthorized immigrants, he gained more in the Electoral College by mobilizing white voters than he lost by alienating Latinos. The national exit polls show that Mrs. Clinton drew 65 percent of the Latino vote compared with 29 percent for Mr.

That is a landslide by any measure, and it is about the same margin in the exit polls for 67 percent vs. The disappointment sets in when you compare the outcome to President Barack Obama took 71 percent of the Latino vote in the exit polls that year compared with 27 percent for Mitt Romney. Trump was supposed to be the bucket of cold water that aroused the sleeping giant, producing not only a stronger preference for the Democratic candidate but also, more important, a spike in turnout.

Inwith immigration reform on the line, more than 12 million Latino voters stayed home, producing a turnout rate of 48 percent compared with 64 percent for whites and 67 percent for blacks.

While more time and data is needed to get a full picture of Latino turnout this year, at first glance it appears Latino numbers were up, and pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton significantly in some places, but that in fact the giant was barely stirred. Four million more Latinos were eligible to vote Pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton than in So, no matter who was running and no matter how low the turnout, the number of Latino votes counted Tuesday was virtually certain to be higher than In fact, demographic growth alone would have guaranteed Mrs.

Clinton an additional 1. In Colorado and Nevada, Latino voters surely helped keep the states blue, and under different scenarios those states could have served as the much-advertised Latino firewall. The one real bright spot for Latino Democrats Tuesday came with the election of Catherine Cortez Masto to the Senate in Nevada. Meanwhile, something may have happened in Texas that needs a closer look.

Trump won handily, but only by a 9 percent margin. President Obama lost the state by nearly 16 points in and by almost 12 points in A lot of non-Latino newcomers have begun to change the political complexion of the state in recent years, and that formula — newcomers plus Latinos — is what flipped Colorado and Nevada in the past.

In the exit polls, Latinos accounted for 18 percent of the total vote compared with 17 inand the split was slightly more favorable to Mrs. Clinton than it was for President Obama four years ago. And therein lies the result that Latinos will have to live with for the next four years. In a state that has vividly benefited from immigration and trade, a state where Latinos have for the most part prospered and contributed to the prosperity of their neighbors, white voters mobilized to elect a candidate who would angrily erase everything Latinos represent.

No one else suffered that kind of defeat on Tuesday. Roberto Suro is a professor of public policy pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton journalism at the University of Southern California. Kruse With so many predictions about this presidential campaign having turned out to be so very pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton, comparisons to the presidential race come naturally.

Pollsters reinforced these assumptions. George Gallup kept polling until mid-October, but then rested on those results, assuming the race was over. Republicans and Democrats alike assumed the race was over. In the popular vote, he took But comparisons between the Truman and Trump campaigns are not neatly drawn. Truman was an outspoken liberal, and he campaigned on preserving and expanding the accomplishments of the New Deal welfare state. He called for expansion of Social Security, more progressive forms of taxation, a higher minimum wage, and a new national system of health insurance.

Truman also committed the Democratic Party, long dominated by Southern segregationists, to a new racial liberalism.

Notably, he called on Congress to protect the voting rights of African-Americans. In foreign policy, Truman set America against the growing influence of the Soviet Union. Inhe announced the Truman Doctrine, which prompted economic aid to Europe through the Marshall Plan and military alliances through a new North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

A year later, Truman challenged Soviet expansionism with the Berlin Airlift. In fiery speeches with blunt language, he singled out sources of blame. Though he had reason to gloat, Truman was gracious in victory. Kruse is a professor of history at Princeton University. Maureen Sullivan I have to admit it: I am loving it. As the results poured in for Donald J. Trump, I reveled in the Facebook friends who openly mourned the end of humanity. Switching among three cable news networks and several websites I wondered: Is he really going to take Florida so easily?

Did they just call North Carolina for Trump? Can he possibly win Wisconsin? I rooted for Mitt Romney in and John McCain in I ran for the school board in Hoboken, N. What does it matter? You want to announce on Twitter that you are in bed letting the tears stream down pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton face. I saw this result coming over the summer. In July, five police officers were ambushed in Dallas and three more were killed in Baton Rouge.

In August, Colin Kaepernick, the San Francisco 49ers quarterback, sat out the national anthem. In September, an Islamic help me write earth science dissertation hypothesis, masquerading as a fried chicken salesman in my hometown, Elizabeth, N.

They kept being told they needed to look inward, examine their sins and judge themselves guilty. I supported him because he promised to curb regulations, cut taxes and appoint constitutionalists to the Supreme Court. I supported him because Mrs. In his victory speech, Mr. Trump exposes the anti-intellectual, sexist xenophobia. Viet Thanh Nguyen Worst-case scenario in the next four years: fascism, a wall, mass deportations, the end of Obamacare, a Trump brand on the White House and either a trade war or an actual war with China since war is the easiest diversion from domestic unhappiness.

Best-case scenario: Ruth Bader Ginsburg refuses to retire or die, the Studies social essay websites ghostwriter Party finds a backbone, turns away from its fixation on the center and heeds the call for an economic revolt against the 1 percent, joined by Black Lives Matter, the Occupy movement, and resurgent feminism.

The continue reading scenario requires Democrats to put pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton status quo political model to rest. They already had a significant portion of the nonwhite minority vote locked up, but have lost too many working-class white people.

Bernie Sanders might not have won over the wealthier whites who were voting with Trump against the seemingly rising tide of minorities, but he might have snared the white working class and some of the white middle class. If Hillary Clinton had won, pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton would have run again inwhich could have meant four more years of Wall Street liberalism and fire-and-forget perpetual warfare, conducted by drones and Special Operations over the horizon.

Now perhaps Elizabeth Warren will be the Democratic candidate — a white woman, a feminist, and someone more progressive than Clinton. But all this speaks largely about domestic electoral politics. The sickness of the American body politic remains untreated, and will remain untreated, or exacerbated, in a country run by clowns, conspirators, and collaborators.

That sickness is imperialism. America is an imperial country, and its decay might now be showing. The power that has brought so much benefit to the country — for white people — is now faltering in its ability to provide those benefits to all white people.

Warren or someone like her might be better at extracting more social and economic justice for all Americans. But unless such a person finds a way to ease control from the financial-industrial complex, the prospects of halting our decline are weak.

The plan includes canceling United States participation in the Paris climate agreement and stopping all American funding of United Nations climate change programs.

What should we make of such campaign promises? Trump at his word, he will surely seek to pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton the country out of the Paris pact. But because the agreement has already come into force, under the rules, any party must wait three years before requesting to withdraw, followed by a one-year notice period. Those rules would seem to be mere technicalities.

That is bad enough. Undoing complex existing regulations, such as the Clean Power Plan, will be more difficult, but a reconstituted Supreme Court will probably help President Trump when that plan inevitably comes before the court. Also, the new president will most likely ask that the Keystone XL pipeline permit application be renewed — and facilitate other oil and gas pipelines around the country.

On the campaign trail, Mr. Http://dvdbestonline.co/popular-application-letter-writers-for-hire-sf.php may not be so easy. The decline of that industry and related employment has been caused by technological continue reading in mining, and competition from low-priced natural gas for electricity generation, not by environmental regulations.

At the same time, Mr. Trump has pledged to promote fracking for oil and gas, but that would make natural gas even more economically attractive, and accelerate the elimination of coal-sector jobs. If he lives up to his campaign rhetoric, Mr.

Trump may indeed be able to reverse course on climate change policy, increasing the threat to our planet, and in the ca service proofreading essay custom destroy much of the Obama legacy in this important realm.

This will make the states even more important players on this critical issue. Stavins is a professor at Harvard, where he directs the Harvard Project on Climate Agreements. Dani Rodrik The real costs of a Donald J.

Trump presidency will most likely come on the political rather than on the economic side. We are likely to see some rise in trade barriers and unilateral economic policies. But for all his bluster, I do not expect Mr. Trump to engage in indiscriminate protectionism. We live in a world of supply chains where imposing tariffs on Mexican or Chinese imports will raise costs of United States businesses and make it hard for them to compete.

Trump is a businessman, and he will understand soon, if he does not now, the senselessness of blanket protectionism. We may have plenty of trade disputes with foreign countries. But these did very limited damage to the world economy. Before long, the world embarked on a further and more intense round of globalization. Furthermore, we have robust international institutions, like the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization, that did not exist in the interwar period. And the political lobbies in favor of an open economy big business and banks are stronger and retain considerable influence in Washington.

The real danger Mr. Trump poses is the undermining of our politics — the norms that sustain our liberal democracies. His campaign was based on a divisive politics of identity. Ideals of equity, equal rights, diversity and inclusion were submerged under the weight of a pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton that raised racial and ethnic tensions and inflamed passions against imagined enemies — Mexican immigrants, Chinese exporters, Muslim refugees.

Illiberal democracy has been the bane of several nations around the world. Trump, the traditions in the United States of checks and balances and of rule of law will be tested seriously. The political danger will be greatly magnified by Mr. He comes into office as the putative leader of middle and lower classes who feel they have been left behind. He has raised their expectations in ways that he cannot meet. There is little chance that incomes at the middle and lower end of income distribution will receive a large boost under his policies.

The manufacturing jobs that have left will not return no matter how tough Mr. These jobs have disappeared for good, largely thanks to technological changes, and not trade. When the full scale of his economic disappointment sinks in sometime during his term, Mr.

Trump may well react in the time-honored fashion of global populists like President Vladimir V. To keep his base mobilized and insulate himself from economic troubles, he may take shelter in an intensified form of the identity politics that worked so well for him during the presidential campaign. This would rip American society further apart along racial and ethnic cleavages. The ugliness that characterized politics during the presidential campaign may be nothing compared with what may be yet to come.

Dani Rodrik, a professor at the John F. Teresa Tritch Financial markets regained their footing on Wednesday, as investors and traders apparently concluded that a Donald Trump presidency might not be so bad after all.

Instead of focusing on how unprepared Mr. Trump is to be president, several traders quoted in the media talked about how deregulation from ending Obamacare and the Dodd-Frank financial reforms — two Republican goals — could lift stock prices for health care companies and banks.

They took special solace in Mr. Unfortunately, there is no escaping the overarching conclusion that Mr. His proposed rollback of Dodd-Frank reforms would invite renewed recklessness.

His proposed pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton cuts for the rich would exacerbate income inequality, while either blowing a hole in the deficit or requiring deep budget cuts. His stance on trade would impair international commerce and cooperation.

His proposed deportation of immigrants would unleash a legal and humanitarian crisis. Even his popular call for more infrastructure spending is flawed. In and of itself, Mr. Website dissertation liverpool professional writers abstract vastly increased federal indebtedness in addition to his other harmful economic policies would be piling risk on top of risk.

Risk-taking that crosses the line into college top essay topic best can be pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton profitable in the short run, which is what many traders care most about. But continue reading is no way to run an economy on which everyone else depends for long-term prosperity.

Http://dvdbestonline.co/best-university-essay-writer-for-hire-sf.php Bazelon Now it looks like assignment for ghostwriters sites esl university warning shot.

But other Republicans, chief among them the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, agreed with Mr. Undeterred what else was he supposed to be? A debate ensued over historical facts, which seems quaintly polite in retrospect.

Sincehad the Senate ever refused to confirm a nominee in a presidential election year as a result of the impending election? The answer was no even if Mr. For a blip in August, Republicans took a hit in the polls for obstructing the Garland nomination. But the moment passed, blown away in the chaos and battle of the presidential election.

Judge Garland slipped from view. The parties adapted to a new reality in which both expected either his postelection, pre-inauguration confirmation, or a new nominee chosen by the next president. When they assumed Hillary Clinton would win, Republicans including Senators John McCain of Arizona and Richard Burr of North Carolina talked about blocking Democratic Just click for source Court picks indefinitely.

Both were re-elected Tuesday and will return to a Senate still controlled by the Republicans. Trump helped point the way, and the voters rewarded him and those who followed. Trump to prove himself to the social conservatives for whom the court, and Roe v. Wade, are the defining issues. Under the current rules, Democrats could filibuster his choice, but if that happens, how long will those rules last? Next comes the question of how many additional Supreme Court appointments will come his way.

Ruth Bader Ginsburg is Anthony Kennedy is Stephen Breyer is In Supreme Court terms, four years is a long time. Emily Bazelon is a staff writer for The New York Times Magazine and a fellow at Yale Law School.

The polls were wrong. The experts were wrong. Almost everyone was wrong — including those in the Trump campaign who expected to lose. Regardless of how the Trump presidency turns out, this race will be studied a century from now.

For those of us who have been vehement critics of Mr. Trump, this is a rather challenging moment. He now has a democratic legitimacy we may regret but cannot deny, and there is such a thing as democratic grace. To those who are tempted only to rage and attack and lament what has occurred, a word of counsel http://dvdbestonline.co/creative-writing-writers-website-liverpool.php them, and to myself: We need to give Mr.

Trump the chance to rise to the moment, as unlikely as we think that may be. I believed, and still believe, that he is a masters websites proofreading essay united states custom with a disordered personality and authoritarian tendencies.

My job is to give him a chance to prove me wrong; his job is to prove me wrong. Among my worries is that Mr. The way he mistreats people will be normalized. This election has brought us to dark places. Rather than this approach being repudiated it will, for many, become a model. If the Trump campaign foreshadows his presidency, Read article under Trump will be fundamentally different than it has been — coarser, less temperate and civilized, more inward and resentful.

The Republican Party will fundamentally change, from a conservative party to one that champions European-style ethnic nationalism. The Democratic Party, whose members were certain Hillary Clinton would win, will be convulsed as it enters a period of intense recrimination.

A few hours after Mr. I tremble, though, to think what an unpredictable leader offers to a world in growing crisis. I say, God grants humans the freedom to move in even more mysterious ways. Peter Wehner, a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center, served in the last three Republican administrations and is a contributing opinion writer.

Anna North I spent the days leading up to the election in Pennsylvania talking to some young voters18, 19, 20 years old. They wore flowered Doc Martens, fake fur coats, earbuds dangling from one ear. Overwhelmingly, they were open and polite. They were pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton at a political system they felt ignored them, but they hoped for better days ahead. Many of these young people supported Mr.

Many did so reluctantly. One young Trump supporter told me that no one knows exactly what Mr. Trump will do in office. Another described hesitating while filling out his absentee ballot, wondering if he could vote for a man who had made abhorrent comments about women. But some voted for Mr. Those who supported Hillary Clinton were disgusted by Mr. Trump and what he stands for. Of the table full of young men at Bucks County Community College arguing about Mr.

Trump is racist, sexist and xenophobic. I hope they keep talking. I think they will. But these young voters are clear-eyed about the shortcomings of government and optimistic enough to imagine a better world. They can make friends with people of different viewpoints, and, when it matters, they can challenge their friends to think in a new way.

Seamus McGraw BRODHEADSVILLE, Pa. He seemed so troubled by what he was about to do, as if he knew it was a mistake, but one he felt compelled to make. The way I read the pained look on his face, I thought he was almost apologizing; pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton seeking a kind of absolution.

It was just a few days before the election, and Pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton had been canvassing for the Democrats. She had certainly not been my first choice, my second or even http://dvdbestonline.co/best-thesis-proposal-writer-sites-for-masters.php third.

But I felt as if I had an obligation to make certain that, at least in my little corner of Pennsylvania, a man who was, to my mind, so obviously unsuited to the highest office in the world, was not just defeated, but repudiated. I expected that my neighbors and friends and the strangers down the road would do just that. Pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton, I could feel and even share their frustration over the fact that the longest postwar economic recovery had left so many of my neighbors behind.

I had been left behind, too. And yes, I understood the fear of an uncertain world, and the stress of profound cultural changes that were upending so many things that my neighbors took as bedrock values. I thought — or at least the pundits were telling me — that was a done deal.

The way I saw it, my only task was to drive up her margins and to do that, I was working off a carefully curated list of likely Clinton voters thoughtfully provided to me by the local campaign office. He made eye contact and kept it. He and I were of the same rough demographic.

Just like me, he was well into his 50s, with teeth that had seen better days. Just like me, he was lower middle class, judging from his surroundings. I felt as if he wanted me to understand and forgive him for what he was about to do.

I remember thinking click the following article myself that when this was over, I was going to have to find a way to build a bridge back to this guy who was, in so many ways, just like me. Late last night, as I watched Pennsylvania turn red for the first time in a generation, I kept thinking back to that man, and how I so misread his expression and his words.

Because he knew, long before I did, how wrong I was. Beverly Gage In his victory speech last night, Donald J. Since the s, the phrase has also implied that the country was paying too much attention to the wrong sorts of people — most notably, to African-Americans — at the pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton of the white working class.

What did social classes owe to each other? In his campaign for the presidency, Roosevelt sought to claim the term for a different and more expansive purpose. He built the New Deal around this image, establishing the minimum wage, Social Security and the federal right to organize unions. Those reforms cemented the loyalty of the white working class to the Democratic Party for a generation. When the Great Society came along, Lyndon Johnson tried to make up for that by expanding federal programs serving the poor and by championing the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts.

The lower middle class. Schrag noted, all of that name-calling was part of the problem, a refusal on the part of liberal elites to recognize the real grievances and desires of what had once been a bedrock Democratic constituency. To dismiss this language as simple racism, however, is to miss at least some of its political significance.

During those years, the Democratic Party itself began to turn away from the New Deal and its working-class politics, especially from its commitment to organized labor. But as Roosevelt showed, this need not be a fixed political equation. If the election marks the final, gasping end of the New Deal coalition, it should also mark the start of a new reckoning within the Democratic Party.

Beverly Gage is a professor of history at Yale. Until now, our Americophilia has been unrequited. Then in August, Donald J. Politicians of the mainstream right and left alike are dumbfounded that the United States would elect someone who uses the extreme language Mr. Trump does and who seems to have little love for institutions like NATO. Independence Party, it is difficult to find a British politician with a good word to say about Mr.

Nationalism, white anger learn more here protectionism are now driving politics in Britain and across Europe.

The sound is of doors slamming. Brexit felt like a referendum on border control, and on rapid demographic change among pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton communities that felt themselves deprived of attention and resources.

It is tempting to draw comparisons with the United States: The big cities in both Britain and the United States, which are most diverse, are also most relaxed about that diversity. In visit web page communities, immigration feels more disruptive. There are other parallels. He won white men without college degrees by a landslide. A typical Leave supporter has a similar demographic profile.

Such voters are on the decline, as both Britain and the United States become more diverse and younger generations are better-educated, and more open to immigration and change. But as both the Brexit vote just click for source Mr.

Helen Lewis is the deputy editor of The New Statesman. Susan Chira Women, as Hillary Clinton showed this morningknow how to absorb pain.

Clinton has had plenty of practice about how to stand before the cameras after public humiliation. Clearly, she needed time to compose herself. She made no appearances overnight, instead calling Donald J. But when she strode onstage in purple and gray, Bill Clinton behind her in a purple tie, her voice did not waver. Women seldom have the luxury of giving in to pain.

Many have children or grandchildren or aging parents to tend, whether they themselves are sick or article source emotional read article. Clinton faced her despondent campaign staff and her despondent pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton of the country and tried to rally them.

She spoke most directly to young people, and to women and girls. She had hoped to stand before them as http://dvdbestonline.co/cheap-research-paper-proofreading-sites-for-university.php symbol of all that women could achieve. Now she had to demonstrate once again what women can endure. Continue reading was hard not to recall her standing beside Bill Clinton after the whole world knew graphic and humiliating details about the affairs he had denied having.

Was it a woman, or this woman? Clinton as symbol of the Washington establishment, as a consummate insider in a time of profound distrust of the elite? We do know that voters disproportionately punish women who are seen as dishonest.

Political scientists and cultural commentators will long debate what happened in this election, to this woman and to many women. The question is whether the image of Mrs. Clinton, composed and gracious in defeat, persevering through pain, will inspire women to try again? Susan Chira is a senior correspondent and editor on gender issues for The New York Times. Felix Salmon Markets always move after seismic events, like the unexpected election of Donald J.

Still, market moves need to be interpreted. When Barack Obama a. No Drama Obama was elected president, it was possible go here anticipate — correctly, it turned out — that he would help steer America back onto a course of steady growth, low inflation and falling unemployment. Think of that as the Obama mean: the baseline expectation. When the stock market expects good things like that, it tends to rise, just as it has during the Obama presidency.

But the variation is just as important as the mean. He promised them something much more valuable: a low-risk upward economic cheap school essay ghostwriting website uk. Trump is the exact opposite of Mr. His baseline is worse, for starters: to establish expectations for his presidency, you have to factor in his hugely irresponsible fiscal policy, potential trade wars and maybe even reckless brinkmanship over repaying the national debt.

Put those things together, and a severe recession becomes possible. But it gets even worse because Pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton. Trump is by his nature highly unpredictable.

Trump has vastly more downside risk than Mr. Obama ever had, and so markets are going to trade at a discount to his already-discounted baseline. If you transition, then, from low-risk positive expectations to high-risk negative expectations, you have to expect the markets to take some precipitous plunges along the way.

Much of that will be noise. Trump will become president. Those moves might be a rational response to the lower expected value of the assets in question. On the other hand, they might just be the result of panicky hedging — or indeed they could simply represent dealers second-guessing and trying to outmaneuver one another.

Once the market has been trading steadily for a few months, its general direction under the auspices of the new government is going to be pretty clear.

Fluctuations over just a few hours, by contrast, are much harder to read. They might look like signals — but all too often they turn out to be nothing but noise. Michael Lerner It turns out that shaming the supporters of Donald J. Trump is not a good political strategy. Though job loss and economic stagnation played a role in his victory, so did shame.

The right has been very successful at persuading working people that they are vulnerable not because they themselves have failed, but because of the selfishness of some other villain African-Americans, feminists, immigrants, Muslims, Jews, liberals, progressives; the list keeps growing. Instead of challenging this ideology of shame, the left has buttressed it by blaming white people as a whole for slavery, genocide of the Native Americans and a host of other sins, as though whiteness itself was something about which people pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton to be ashamed.

The rage many white working-class people feel in response is rooted in the sense that once again, as has happened to them throughout their lives, they are being misunderstood. So please understand what is happening here.

Many Trump supporters very legitimately feel that it is they who have been facing an unfair reality. The upper 20 percent of income earners, many of them quite liberal and rightly committed to the defense of minorities and immigrants, also believe in the economic meritocracy and their own right to have so much more than those who are less fortunate. So while they may be progressive on issues of discrimination against the obvious victims of racism and sexism, they are blind to their own class privilege and to the hidden injuries of class that are internalized by much of the country as self-blame.

Many religious people are drawn by the teachings of their tradition to humane values and caring about the oppressed. Yet they often find that liberal culture is hostile to religion of any sort, believing it is irrational and filled with hate. People on the left rarely open themselves to the possibility that there could be a spiritual crisis in society that plays a role in the lives of many who feel misunderstood and denigrated by the fancy intellectuals and radical activists.

The racism, sexism and xenophobia used by Mr. Trump to advance his candidacy continue reading not reveal an inherent malice in the majority of Americans. Democrats need to become as conscious and articulate about the suffering caused by classism as we are about other forms of suffering.

We need to reach out to Trump voters in a spirit of empathy and contrition. Only then can we help working people understand that they do not live in a meritocracy, that their intuition that the system is rigged is correct but it is not by those whom they had been taught to blame and that their pain and rage is legitimate. Michael Lerner, the rabbi of Beyt Tikkun Synagogue in Berkeley, Calif.

Please upgrade your browser. Clear this text input. I got up on Election Day and burst into tears — not a genteel twin trickle but a more info heaving burst, zero to firehose. And then I thought about Mr. It could be a blessing in disguise. Arabs, and Middle Easterners in general, should take one quick look and figure out how to be less dependent on the United States, and how to pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton their conflicts within their own, regional frameworks.

Meanwhile, fasten your seatbelts. A commitment to human rights has been a fundamental precept of NATO since the alliance was created a half century ago. Carol Giacomo is a member of the editorial board. Inthere was a demand among voters for change, especially regarding Vietnam and foreign policy, and there was a backlash against some of the Great Society programs.

It may not be an exaggeration to say that Donald Trump both knows and cares less about the details of public policy than anyone ever elected president of the United States.

They favored Hillary Clinton by better than two to one, according to the exit polls. With so many predictions about this presidential campaign having turned out to be so very wrong, comparisons to the presidential pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton come naturally. To the amazement of nearly everyone, Truman won by considerable margins. I have to admit it: I am loving it. This was one of the biggest election upsets in history, so of course everyone is stunned.

People I know were angry. So now we have President-Elect Donald Trump. But most of my friends, some of whom I suspect cast votes like mine, have stayed quiet. Maureen Sullivan writes about education at Forbes. Worst-case scenario in the next four years: fascism, a wall, mass deportations, the end of Obamacare, a Trump brand on the White House and either a pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton war or an actual war with China since war is the easiest diversion from domestic unhappiness.

Both scenarios could happen at the same time. Pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton rot from the inside even as emperors blame the pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton. The real costs of a Donald J. Financial markets regained their footing on Wednesday, as investors and traders apparently concluded that pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton Donald Trump presidency might not be so bad after all.

Teresa Tritch is a member of the editorial board. Now it looks like a warning shot. It was a new kind of hardball.

What happened on Nov. I spent the days leading up to the election in Pennsylvania talking to some young voters18, 19, 20 years old. In January, Click at this page Trump will be their next president.

Anna North is a member of the editorial board. Such was my arrogance. In pay to do professional college essay on hillary clinton victory speech last night, Donald J. Women, as Hillary Clinton showed this morningknow how to absorb pain.


Why Voting for Donald Trump Is a Morally Good Choice - Wayne Grudem

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Understanding Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton's Tax Plans

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